|Last update on 1 November|
|WHAT DISTINGUISHES OUR PARTY – The line running from Marx to Lenin to the foundation of the Third International and the birth of the Communist Party of Italy in Leghorn (Livorno) 1921, and from there to the struggle of the Italian Communist Left against the degeneration in Moscow and to the rejection of popular fronts and coalition of resistance groups – The tough work of restoring the revolutionary doctrine and the party organ, in contact with the working class, outside the realm of personal politics and electoralist manoevrings|
As many expected, the occupation of the city of Afrin in Syrian, or Western Kurdistan, by the Turkish Armed Forces, and their Syrian National Army proxies, better known as the Turkish-backed Free Syrian Army, following a short battle that took place between 20 January - 24 March 2018, was only the beginning of the Turkish offensive against the Syrian Democratic Forces, the military alliance controlled by the Democratic Union Party, the affiliate of the Kurdistan Workers Party in the region. Since the occupation of Afrin, Turkey had its eyes on the rest of the territory controlled by the Kurdish nationalists and their allies. The Trump administration, who had supported the SDF against the Islamic State, was opposed to such a move and proposed a 30 kilometer deep buffer zone into Syrian Kurdish territory to appease Turkey, though it was uncertain who would enforce it. The SDF protested, as most of the major urban areas they controlled would fall within the buffer zone. Eventually, the Erdogan government sent its troops alongside their FSA proxies, supposedly to enforce the buffer zone on 9 October 2019.
The Turkish government is careful to portray its war effort as just a military operation. Yet President Erdogan aims to resettle the occupied territories with the refugees of the Syrian civil war who live in Turkey, numbering nearly 4 million. Moreover, the Turkish State and companies have been providing services and fulfilling contracts in the occupied regions. In other words, Turkey is essentially planning to annex all the territories it conquers until the Syrian civil war is resolved. Besides, organized religion in the country, controlled by the State, have mobilized to spread propaganda of a glorious conquest. Turkish capital, including the staunchly pro-Western Turkish Industry and Business Association, the regime union confederations, and mainstream opposition parties such as the Kemalist and social democratic Republican People’s Party and the Good Party, their far right allies have all came out in favor of the war effort. In particular, the RPP has called on Erdogan to immediately get in contact with Assad, citing that no one, other than the Turkish and Syrian States, have described the Syrian Kurdish nationalists and their allies as terrorist.
Nevertheless, there are many, ranging from the left wing of the RPP to the Kurdish social democratic Peoples’ Democratic Party with ties to the PKK, from the Stalinists to the Trotskyists, and including left-wing union confederations such as the Confederation of Public Workers’ Unions and Confederation of Progressive Workers’ Unions and engineers’ and doctors’ professional associations, who are opposed to the invasion. Their reasons vary: some are more interested in the territorial integrity of the Syrian State; others are declaring support for the Kurdish nationalists; all of them, however, basing their opposition to war on a democratic idea of peace. Nevertheless, Erdogan government takes opposition seriously, and has went on to arrest over a hundred social media users for their posts against the war.
No one among the international community of bourgeois States other than Pakistan, Qatar and Azerbaijan openly supports the Turkish invasion. The EU is the most major amalgamate of imperialist powers to oppose the invasion, followed by the Arab League. Turkey, a regional imperialist power, feels confident enough in its position to threaten the EU that if the EU calls Turkey’s operation an invasion, the 4 million refugees will be allowed to go to Europe. It should also be mentioned that local powers such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, Egypt, Iraq and the Syrian government itself have condemned the Turkish invasion.
The US on the one hand threatens extreme economic sanctions, pushed by the most major bipartisan parliamentary effort in Trump era, while withdrawing its troops from SDF held territories and emphasizing the friendship between the two countries, in effect giving the Turks the green light. Indeed, the SDF are merely tactical allies of US imperialism against the Islamic State, whereas Turkey, a member of NATO, is a long term strategic partner. Even if Turkey and the FSA destroys the SDF completely, the Americans will still be on the table, this time through Turkey.
The Russian State, the other major imperialist power active in Syria, is also happy about the situation, hoping it will strengthen the Assad regime’s hand. Early on, the Russians expressed that they will be working towards an agreement between the SDF and the Assad regime. Soon, an agreement was reached, and the Syrian army started moving north. The cost of this alliance for the SDF remains to be seen since the Syrian government wasn’t offering them desirable terms in earlier negotiations. This being said, the Assad regime had given military support to the SDF in Afrin by sending the National Defence Forces militia, and according to PYD sources, has offered generous military terms, including the closure of the airfield to Turkey, positioning soldiers in key areas in the border and, after repelling the Turkish attack, working towards taking back Afrin without taking over cities from the PYD affiliated democratic assemblies.
The tradition of the Kurdistan Workers Party, or the PKK, is the dominant political tendency of the Kurdish national bourgeoisie in Northern, or Turkish, and Western, or Syrian Kurdistan. The most powerful Kurdish nationalist military organization of Eastern, or Iranian Kurdistan also belongs to this tradition, along with a minor party in Southern, or Iraqi Kurdistan which is under control of the conservative Kurdistan Democratic Party and the social democratic Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. The ideology of the PKK has officially changed from Stalinist national liberation to democratic confederalism, giving up the 150 year old Kurdish national aspiration of independence in favor of autonomism.
PYD didn’t come to power in Western Kurdistan through a revolution: it was handed power by the Assad regime who withdrew from Kurdish areas to fight the civil war. Especially as they and their multi-ethnic allies advanced out of the Kurdish areas in their fight against the Islamic State, they opted to promote themselves as North and East Syria instead of Western Kurdistan.
At the same time the PYD regime, ever respectful of private property and capitalism as declared by its constitution, tortured and killed dissidents, opened fire on protestors, and engaged in repressive policies against Arabs, Assyrians and other minorities. The fact that the SDF is under attack by a regional imperialist State which overpowers them is no reason to support what is in essence an anti-proletarian regime.
The proletarian attitude against the Turkish invasion of Syrian is not an abstract call for peace, but a call for revolutionary defeatism, for the workers in arms to fraternize and turn the imperialist war into revolutionary civil war. This call can only be made by a powerful and truly revolutionary Communist Party, which unfortunately exists neither in Turkey nor Kurdistan yet.
The Recent turmoil and riots have been constant on the South American continent. Ecuador has experienced many days of bloody unrest. Some of this turmoil has spread to Argentina and Bolivia, and are aspects of a wider trend.
In Chile, immediately preceding these riots, there were protests over the continued increases in subway ticket prices. Groups of young people organized to skip the subway turnstiles in the Capital Santiago. All over a modest increase, from 800 to 830 pesos or about 0.03 US$. However, it must be considered that in Chile the minimum wage is 310,000 pesos per month, or about 430 US$. The cost of utilities and electricity has also risen to be comparable to most American and European cities. These increases have exacerbated workers and middle classes in the process of proletariasation.
After a few days, the government deployed the police forces to the turnstiles across the city. This led to the escalation of the protests and the first riots: destruction of the turnstiles and the burning down of a number of subway stations. All resulting in the Friday October 18th incendiary bomb assault on the headquarters of the power company, Enel, totally destroying it.
That evening President Sebastián Piñera, having learned of the incidents in the capital, proclaimed a state of emergency. He dispatched the police and carabineros to the nerve centers for the Santiago Metropolitan area. This did not stop the spread of the protests, expressed above all in the "cacerolazos". Processions of demonstrators beat pots, alluding to the difficulty of filling them. Along with processions of cars that sound their horns as a sign of solidarity to the gatherings of demonstrators. In a few hours the protests spread to many other cities in the country.
It was then that President Piñera appeared on television, denouncing the protests as works of delinquency. He announced the revocation of the increases in metro prices. Piñera also delegated General Javier Iturriaga to manage public order. This is as a choice that sounds threatening to Chilean workers. Both for the involvement of the army in politics, and the fact that General Iturriaga belongs to a family of soldiers notorious for their ferocity with which they perpetrated infamous crimes against political opponents. Especially for the family’s careers during the time of the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. It is therefore not surprising that Iturriaga soon proclaimed a curfew in most provinces.
However, on the first night of the curfew, thousands of protesters defiantly remained in the streets. Supermarkets and goods depots were stormed and plundered in various parts of the country. Where the mass media all over the world diminish the severity of the struggle in Chile, videos in which the military is seen shooting to kill have been circulating on social media.
After a Sunday with at least eight deaths, the days following saw an intensification of demonstrations and strikes. These demonstrations also saw the mobilization of proletarian strata including the miners in the Antofagasta region. The mobilizations were able to make classist economic demands: increases to the minimum wage and the meager pensions of the Chilean proletarians.
On Tuesday, October 22, processions with hundreds of thousands of participants erupted across Chile’s main cities. A sign that the anger of the proletarians and of ruined middle classes do not fear the bullets of army nor the tanks.
At the end of the day, three others were killed by the carabineros. However, the president was forced to make economic concessions of some importance: an increase in the minimum wage from 310,000 to 350,000 pesos, 20% increase in basic retirement pensions allowance, and the cancellation of the recent increase of 9.2% in electricity tariffs.
At the same time, in the style of every bourgeois demagogue, Piñera introduced a tax rate of 40% on incomes above 8 million pesos (11,004 US$) and a reduction in the salaries of public administration staff. A reduction in allowances and the number of parliamentarians as well as other cosmetic positions were also announced. As if it is not capitalism but only its parasitic political apparatus that is responsible for the harsh conditions of workers.
It is of some note that Piñera is forced by circumstances to revive the "reform" of retirement pension allowances imposed by his older brother José, acting as Minister of Labour under the Pinochet regime. The continued survival of the people and institutions of the dictatorship, betray its formal end in 1990, in proving once again that a democratic regime is but the mask of the ferocious dictatorship of capital.
But that is not the reason for the exacerbation of proletarian rage. The real cause is the global economic crisis that has already taken its first steps in slowing down the growth of the manufacturing sector in several large industrial countries. In the background of the South American protests is a drop in the prices of raw materials of which these countries are producers of. Because of the decrease in global demand, Chile is affected by a 6% fall in copper prices, which contributes significantly to Chile’s export income.
A false representation of social dynamics, passed off as Marxist determinism, wants riots to come only when the classes are forced to starve. In reality, this is a mechanistic and simplistic parody of Marxism. The "prosperous" Chile remains a weak link in the imperialist chain. Meanwhile the proletarians who have generated its growth in recent decades are driven by the crisis to regain a part of the surplus value extracted from them.
The story of the class movement that is shaking Chile is a matter of great concern for the international bourgeois class: "if it can happen in Chile, a prosperous and socially modern country, then it can happen anywhere”. The media all over the world, in charge of reproducing the ideology of the ruling class, repeats themselves.
What most fears the greedy and murderous bourgeoisie is the contagion of the storm throughout Latin America. In one of his delirious speeches, President Piñera, cautioning against a coarse conspiracy theory, literally said "we are at war with a powerful enemy”. This time we agree with him. Indeed, this powerful enemy exists, but unfortunately it still does not have an organization that is up to its historical tasks. This powerful enemy, nightmare and terror of the bourgeoisie of every climate, is called the world working class. And the organization in which it will recognize itself is called the International Communist Party.
Since October 17, the streets of Lebanon are burning. It is not a new bloody civil war thrown by the various imperialist forces, nor the armed intervention of some imperialism within the territory. The Levantine proletariat and the middle classes, in a rapid process of proletarization, have taken to the streets with unusual demonstrations and unusual calls for unity and class solidarity among the various ethnic and religious groups, for their living and existence conditions, constantly threatened by the economic-political crisis in which the country is plunged, calling for widespread revolt, with a hatred of the entire bourgeois political system and his corruption.
Lebanon, being a crossroads in the Mediterranean Sea, is a home of different ethnic, religious and national groups, a holder of a glorious past, a place of constant conflict and maneuver of the different regional imperialist interests, today finds itself with an unusual reality.
The past has shown that the governments in Lebanon in modern times, due to the plurality of its population, are unstable and anchored on sectarian agreements of the different ethnic groups, and of these with imperialism in turn. This is the case of the current government, led by President Al Harari, the result of the concertation of different bourgeois political sectors, Hezbollah one of them, Christians, Sunnis, under the auspices of the international bourgeoisie.
But the economic situation of the country, with a debt among the three largest in the world (!) Equal to 152% of its GDP, with a level of unemployment that borders 37% among young people, still in the process of rebuilding after the bloody civil war, it is precisely the heavy stone that has to carry on the back of the young Lebanese proletariat. The Lebanese government, in constant fiscal deficit, resorts to the usurers of global capitalism, and these in turn ask for guarantees for their "help." This supposed help for the "benefit of the country," which is in the interest of a bourgeoisie fully adhered to the game of capitalist chess, is opposed to improvements in the living conditions of the proletariat, and is about them that cut measures are directed "for the good of the country".
The austerity measures, directed by the Government, such as the cut in pensions, cuts in the salaries of public employees, and the last one, and that spilled the glass of water, the tax on the use of the WhatsApp application of 6 dollars monthly, due to a drop in the collection of national teleoperators companies, have driven the proletarians and the middle classes to revolt. In a country where the majority of the working class does not earn more than 300 dollars per month, and unemployment among the youngest is so great, the explosion was only a matter of times and moments.
Capitalism at the global level is showing the beginning of a new great economic crisis of global magnitude, the bourgeois desperately tries to save its profit rate, trying to increase the percentage of benefits that constantly fall, through different methods of cuts in the living and working conditions of the proletarian, of the worker class, the producing class of the surplus value.
A series of manifestations around the globe appear in reaction to the austerity methods, to improvements in living and working conditions, showing a tendency towards the awakening of the proletarian class, which does not distinguish between nations, race, religion, but the division between the classes within society. Ecuador, Chile, Iran, Iraq, Sudan, Haiti, now Lebanon.
In the case of the Middle East, the former unit of Arab capitalism, Pan-Arabism, today shows itself as a forgotten scam of the past, which is giving way to the real and unique progressive struggle: that of classes, that of the conditions of living and work, in first revendicative, and then in the future political-revolutionary.
It is from this point of view, admirable as in a country that lived an extreme civil war, fueled by the tactics of division of the bourgeoisie into groups of sectarian unity, today show such unity of action around the defense of their common economic interests. Palestinian Arabs, Christian Arabs, and Muslim Arabs, among others, around the same demands and side by side. This certainly in a small country like Lebanon, is a great step forward.
Unfortunately, this is carried out without the necessary class organization, which give direction to this impetuous show of strength in a class revendicative way, according to the working class methods, towards class objectives. This is the result of almost a century of counterrevolution, which has turned the once strong labor movement and its class unions into effective collaborators of the world bourgeoisie, but the main reason above all has been the liquidation of its World Communist Party at the hands of Stalinism.
The reorganization of the working class around class unions, and the intervention of the World Party in this direction, is the most important work today, in light of recent events, for the workers and communists of the world. This process will be a long and hard process, like as has been the reconstitution of the destroyed World Communist Party, today in the International Communist Party.
This reorganization can only be possible with the awakening of the proletarian mass around the world. This is the real terror of the world bourgeoisie, which prefers to protect in a low profile all social explosions, but augustly this is an inevitable, necessary process, as we have defended even in the worst epochs of counterrevolution, against all the detractors and liquidators, who switched to the enemy side.
Today here, in the same place and in the same historical class line, the International Communist Party, faithful to Marxist principles after decades of counterrevolution, and on the eve of the great global economic crisis, is ready to lead the revolution of tomorrow, towards our final goal, the Specie Plan, full Communism.
Capitalism has entered the global crisis of its economy. The masters and their political regimes of all countries – whatever the ideology with which they try to disguise their bourgeois nature – are working to unload the effects of this crisis on the working class in order to postpone the inevitable catastrophic collapse of this dying mode of production.
For years, in fact, the living and working conditions of the workers have been under attack and in on-going deterioration. The regime trade unions (in Italy CGIL, CISL, UIL) have all prevented any real organization of a defensive struggle. They sign give-back national and corporate agreements and limit real struggles to being divided by company and by category.
Base trade unionism – developed by the most combative workers because of the CGIL went to the side of the bosses – also finds themselves in a crisis both because a good part of its leaders did not know how to prepare the base of the members to the harshness of an open clash, demonstrating not to have a really classist trade union conception, and because they conducted a war against each other subordinating to it the basic needs of the movement of workers’ struggle, first of all the unity of action of the workers.
The SI Cobas is the only base trade union which has in recent years has been able to strengthen itself. By building a militant workers’ movement through a long series of hard strikes, the SI Cobas has built itself through the methods of genuine class unionism. But the employers and regime trade unions have succeeded limiting it to the logistics industry – except for important but small exceptions – and especially amongst immigrant workers.
order to extend this movement to the majority of the working class,
it is necessary to pursue a line of UNITY OF ACTION OF WORKERS AND OF
- We need to show other workers the strength and the combativeness of workers in the SI Cobas as much as possible. We must push for joint strikes with workers still members of the regime unions, to help free them from regime control. As well we have to push those organized in the other base unions, to support their more combative groups against the opportunism of the leaders;
- to promote and fight for unified actions of the whole combative trade unionism (grassroots trade unions and opposition in the CGIL) as the most favourable condition for the deployment of strikes – at company, territorial and category level – that come as close as possible to the force necessary to really set the workers in motion;
- to fight within each combative trade union organisation to organise unitary coordination to support each individual struggle, to intervene in disputes with the aim of offering workers an alternative to the regime’s trade unionism.
It was only as a result of such work that a real general strike could be organised tomorrow. The work to be done today is to try to unite the hundreds of struggles against dismissals for company crises, which are kept isolated by the collaborationist trade unions, those against the repression of employers, which affects more and more workers and militant trade unions, those of national agreements renewals involving millions of workers, starting with logistics, and then moving on to metalworkers, railroad workers and the public sector.
To engage in the construction of organizational fronts with political parties – which are just political fronts – is opposite of workers united actions and of the combative unionism. This operation only perpetuates and aggravates the division in the action of the militant trade union movement, since each trade union leadership subordinates strikes and demonstrations to the support of its own political front.
The task of the evolutionary proletarians, and of class union militants, is to build a trade union struggle movement as united and strong as possible. It is on this material basis, and working to this end, that each party will have to show that it is capable of directing the working class from the trade union struggle to the higher, and necessary, revolutionary political struggle which will break capitalism.
As for the revolutionary communist party, it cannot be born from any political front, which, supporting the illusion of being stronger because they are more numerous, is instead a very weak constructions, ready to collapse at the first social and political earthquake, built on the basis of ambiguous positions, lack of clarity, and therefore opportunism.
On the contrary, the authentic Communist Party is the result of the entire historical path of the proletarian struggle of almost two centuries, which has defined and selected – separating and discarding schools and currents – its theoretical characteristics, programme and tactics, through the lessons of huge battles and of tragic defeats.