On April 30, a new peace plan—this time drafted by the United States, the UN, Russia, and the European Union (a strange alliance these days!)—was officially presented to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon by the U.S. ambassador in Tel Aviv, while UN envoy Terje Larsen delivered it to the new Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas.

The latter, who is well-liked by Westerners, is said to be “more accommodating” toward them than Arafat—a claim that is truly difficult to understand, given that the old satrap, though a “terrorist,” had already conceded everything he could possibly concede regarding the “Palestinian cause” just to keep himself and his clique firmly seated on the money chest. It is no coincidence that the “road map” is precise only when it comes to money, with all “donations” flowing into a Single Treasury Account at a new Palestinian Ministry of Finance staffed by officials… yet to be appointed.

The plan is presented as a well-thought-out, fair, and wise compromise between the parties, but in reality it is devoid of any substance. In its confused wording, it offers only a modest easing of the grip of military occupation—which is certainly beginning to be necessary for reasons internal to the Israeli state and society as well—especially if offset by a reduction in “terrorism,” which is evidently intended to be temporary.

Let’s run through it, disjointed as it is.

In Phase I, the “international community” calls for strengthened Palestinian police control over Palestinians. Only “with the consolidation of the complete reorganization of the [Palestinian] security services will the Israel Defense Forces gradually withdraw from the areas occupied after September 28, 2000.” The authoritative document does not specify how “gradually” or how “consolidated” this will be.

“The Government of Israel will reopen the Palestinian Chamber of Commerce and other Palestinian institutions that have long been closed in East Jerusalem, following a commitment by these institutions to strictly adhere to previous agreements signed between the parties.” But it does not specify which “instructions” those Palestinian institutions are to “strictly adhere to.”

It is stated that “Israel will take measures to (...) improve humanitarian conditions, lifting the curfew and facilitating the movement of people and goods,” but without specifying what is meant by “improve.”

The only statement that seems categorical is that “the Israeli government will immediately dismantle settlements established after March 2001 (...) the Israeli government will freeze all settlement activities, including the natural growth of settlements.” Not least because there is now little left to build on those rocky outcrops.

In Phase II, known as the “Transition” phase, “efforts will focus on options for the creation of an independent Palestinian state with provisional borders.” Strictly speaking, a state with “provisional borders” is not a state; especially considering “those borders” of that “state.” Nevertheless, “the transition to Phase II will be based on the Quartet’s consensus regarding the fulfillment of the appropriate conditions for moving to the next phase,” which is to say that it will depend on the whims and selfish interests of imperialist diplomacy.

Regarding dramatic, central, and never-resolved disputes, the text cynically offers only these words: “Multilateral commitments on issues such as the region’s water resources, the environment, economic development, refugees, and arms control will be restored.”

Finally, on the most crucial issue of all—land—the text merely expresses the hope for: “the implementation of previous agreements to improve territorial contiguity, including further actions regarding settlements, in connection with the establishment of a Palestinian state with provisional borders.” They do not elaborate on how they intend to “improve” the territorial contiguity of a “patchwork” state. However, this will be discussed at an “International Conference.” It is therefore obvious that a true Palestinian state will, in reality, never come into being.

In Phase III, titled “Agreement for a Permanent State and an End to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 2004–2005,” a Second International Conference is planned, convened by the Quartet (as they call themselves), “to lead to a final and permanent resolution in 2005, covering borders, the status of Jerusalem, refugees, the settlements, and to support progress toward a comprehensive Middle East agreement between Israel and Lebanon and between Israel and Syria, to be reached as soon as possible.” There is talk of “ending the occupation that began in 1967” and of “an agreed-upon, just, fair, and realistic solution to the refugee problem and a negotiated resolution of the status of the city of Jerusalem that takes into account the political and religious interests of both sides and protects the religious interests of Jews, Christians, and Muslims worldwide.” There is no mention of the release of thousands of political prisoners.

That’s all.

Meanwhile, indiscriminate incursions by Israeli armored vehicles and suicide bombings continue. These attacks—which are clearly not the work of individuals—have, following the Road Map and seemingly in acceptance of it, shifted their targets from civilians to soldiers.

The number of Palestinian deaths in this second intifada has risen to 2,290, while that of Israelis stands at 763; three thousand working-class people have died as a result of imperialism’s cynical actions. In the ten years between 1993 and 2002, the population of Israeli settlements in the West Bank doubled, rising from 100,000 to 198,999; the settlements now cover 42% of the West Bank’s total area.

Meanwhile, Israel is currently grappling with a very serious crisis. Its economic growth, which stood at +6% in 2000, is now negative: -0.9% in 2001 and -1% in 2002. It has lost nearly half of its foreign direct investment: $11 billion in 2000, $6 billion in 2002. Its foreign debt has risen from 35% of gross domestic product in 2000 to the current 40%. Public debt has increased from 93% of GDP at the end of 2000 to 105% at the end of 2002. The unemployment rate exceeds 11%, inflation is on the rise again (zero in 2000, 7% in 2002), with over 20% of Israelis and 30% of children living below the poverty line. “Arab” percentages?

In short, it is clear that the imperialist powers, stoked by rivalries in this “post-Iraq” era, are in a position to blackmail everyone in the region and intend to extend their reach—far stronger than that of the bourgeoisie and the various servile mini-states, whose peoples have been bled dry for decades in the tiny cage of Palestine.

The Road Map is therefore not an effort to resolve the conflict but a cynical tool to keep it going.

That hotbed of perpetual war suits all imperialist powers, a crossroads of too many trades, bankers, merchants, and armies. “Terrorism” is the perfect instrument of governance; it keeps one’s hands clean and allows one to sway “public opinion” at will. As many are already realizing, imperialism’s plan is to turn Palestine into the whole world. It will be up to the proletariat of the great countries of the West and the East, the North and the South, not to be reduced to “Israelis” and “Palestinians,” but to stand as an international working class united against all the governments of Capital.