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| The International Communist Party | Issue 70 | ||
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| Last update 2026-07-10 | |||
| WHAT DISTINGUISHES OUR PARTY – The line running from Marx to Lenin to the foundation of the Third International and the birth of the Communist Party of Italy in Leghorn (Livorno)1921, and from there to the struggle of the Italian Communist Left against the degeneration in Moscow and to the rejection of popular fronts and coalition of resistance groups
– The tough work of restoring the revolutionary doctrine and the party organ, in contact with the working class, outside the realm of personal politics and electoralist manoevrings |
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A violent “double seismic” event—a 7.2-magnitude earthquake followed by a larger earthquake measuring 7.5 Mw with its epicenter beneath the state of Yaracuy—shook northern and central Venezuela on Wednesday, June 24. Although the geophysical epicenter was located in Yaracuy, where damage to infrastructure was fortunately minor, the shockwave unleashed majority of its destructive fury on the major urban centers and hubs of coastal real estate speculation: Caracas, La Guaira, Tucacas, Morón, and Puerto Cabello.
While the propaganda machines of the bourgeois press and local reformism shed crocodile tears, appealing for “national unity” and “patriotic solidarity,” the harsh reality of capitalist relations of production looms over the rubble. Far from being a purely geophysical catastrophe, this material tragedy clearly demonstrates the communist thesis: nature ends up doing the dirty work usually carried out by imperialist wars, providing senile capitalism with the violent destruction of productive forces and constant capital that it desperately needs to breathe life once again when it finds itself suffocated by its cyclical crises of overproduction.
Historical Background: The Recurrence of Bourgeois Negligence
Across the history of the Venezuelan bourgeois republic high human costs have marked these seismic catastrophes reflecting the absolute subordination of housing to real estate rents and corporate profits.
1812 and 1900: Since the major earthquakes of the 19th century, the overcrowding of the workforce in vulnerable structures has highlighted the ruling classes’ complete disregard for the living conditions of the dispossessed.
The 1967 Caracas Earthquake: The earthquake of July 29, 1967 (magnitude of 6.5) set the modern precedent. The collapse of residential buildings in high-density areas such as Altamira and Los Palos Grandes (Caracas) exposed the effects of urban land speculation and the criminal corner cutting on building materials by the construction bourgeoisie. Nearly sixty years later, this geographical destruction repeats itself in the same municipalities of the capital and extensions along the central coast, demonstrating that under capitalism there is no scientific memory, but only the memory of profit.
The Scale of the Tragedy: Workers’ Blood Fertilizes the Ground of
Tourist and Industrial Centers
Scientific estimates and initial local reports confirm the massive collapse of residential, hotel, and service infrastructure. The worst damage is concentrated in the Capital District and the state of La Guaira (declared a disaster zone), as well as along the coastal corridor of Tucacas, Morón, and Puerto Cabello. More than 2,500 confirmed deaths have been reported, along with thousands of injured and a terrifying figure of over 50,000 people missing beneath the rubble. It is estimated that the number of victims will rise to nearly match the number of missing persons. For capital, this escalation in the death toll from thousands to tens of thousands is not a deterrent: it signals the scale of the “cleared space” and the magnitude of the future surplus labor force that will be willing to accept the most miserable working conditions in the reconstruction contracts undertaken by national and international construction companies.
Statistically speaking, this human carnage has an unmistakable class bias. It has been, is, and will continue to be primarily the blood of the working class that is shed in these disasters. While the bourgeoisie and the high-ranking bureaucracy take refuge in their secure private estates built to rigorous engineering standards, the urban proletariat and service-sector workers have been buried alive. The collapse has struck with particular ferocity the overcrowded low-income housing projects of Caracas and La Guaira, but also the hotel and commercial structures in Tucacas and the Morón–Puerto Cabello corridor, where the workforce is crammed together to fuel the regional tourism and port industries.
The wave of death and destruction brought by the earthquake has not struck a “brave new world” or a “paradise,” but rather a region where the working class is tormented by starvation wages, unemployment, and insufficient access to food, drinking water, a stable electricity supply, and a competent healthcare system—in other words, a country where the full social impoverishing effects of this seismic capitalist economy are on full display.
False Solidarity and the Reconstruction Business
In the wake of the disaster, the “reconstruction frenzy” will immediately take hold—a lucrative feast in which imperialist powers and factions of the local bourgeoisie will vie for their share of capital appreciation in areas strategic to the bourgeois leisure market and manufacturing logistics.
1. The Foreign Exchange Market Exposes Commercial Cynicism
While the population remained trapped suffering under the rubble, the market economy demonstrated its total humanitarian indifference. Between June 24 and June 30, the official dollar exchange rate published by the Central Bank of Venezuela (BCV) jumped from 621.52 bolivars per dollar to more than 633.36 bolivars per dollar, marking a direct increase of nearly 12 bolivars in less than a week. This de facto devaluation in the midst of the worst emergency of the century shows that the law of value and financial speculation know neither respite nor mercy.
In a coordinated announcement, government, business leaders, labor unions, and opportunists of all stripes demonstrated their “humanitarian" nature by declaring on May 1 that they would not raise the meager wages paid in Venezuela. Meanwhile, as an example of corporate “humanitarianism,” 30 workers at the Catania supermarket in Puerto Cabello resigned en masse when their employer tried to force them to work, even though an adjacent building was at risk of collapsing onto the premises.
2. Political Posturing in the Face of Disaster-Prone Urban Planning
In the coming days, the parties of the bourgeois order will unleash a fruitless media controversy over the quality of materials and violations of building codes. This is an ideological smokescreen. The debate obscures the fact that many of these large-scale constructions should never have existed in the first place. The capitalist mode of production irrationally drives extremely high population densities in cities like Caracas and the construction of high-rise buildings devoid of technical justification, with the sole aim of maximizing land rent.
This excessive development is particularly grotesque in the tourist area of La Guaira and along the beach corridor comprising Tucacas, Morón, and Puerto Cabello. These massive tourist developments—complexes of marinas, hotels, and vacation towers—criminally assault the landscape and the environmental balance, having been erected on vulnerable land solely for the purposes of money laundering, real estate speculation, and the appropriation of the economic surplus by the ruling class.
3. The U.S. Imperialist Intervention as Contract Administrator
The emergency aid deployed by the U.S. government is not motivated by philanthropic aims. In the current context of occupation and de facto political control in Venezuela—following the abduction of President Maduro last January—the U.S. administration controls and blocks funds from the sale of Venezuelan oil abroad.
Consequently, U.S. imperialism holds the keys to the money and—under the guise of humanitarian aid channeled through transnational agencies—will directly manage the awarding of multimillion-dollar contracts for reconstruction of roads, ports, hotels, and housing. U.S. construction corporations are arriving on the central and western coasts alongside their local bourgeoise partners and frontmen (including both the traditional opposition and business groups associated with the Bolivarian Republic, indifferent to Maduro’s replacement by Delsy Rodríguez) to divide the spoils of reconstructing damaged infrastructure and reviving the lucrative beach tourism industry.
It is by no means a coincidence or an act of philanthropy that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Development Bank of Latin America and the Caribbean (CAF) have announced, almost simultaneously and expeditiously, the creation of special financing funds for the reconstruction of the collapsed infrastructure. Transnational financial capital operates and swoops in with the speed of a vulture: where reformism and public sentiment see a human tragedy, the technocrats of imperialism see an extraordinary window of opportunity to relaunch the cycles of accumulation and credit subjugation.
These “emergency” loans are not grants; they constitute new sovereign debt that will fall directly on the shoulders of the Venezuelan working class through future austerity plans and regressive tax reforms. The IMF and CAF are stepping in to safeguard the profits of the major construction monopolies, ensuring that the Venezuelan bourgeois state has the necessary liquidity to pay the contracts of international corporations and their partners in the local bourgeoisie, while simultaneously putting in place new mechanisms of financial blackmail.
The True “Double Whammy”: The Double Exploitation of Workers
The catastrophe of June 2026 closes the vicious cycle of the exploitation of wage labor. It will be the proletarian workforce that, under conditions of extreme job insecurity and poverty-level wages, will have to clear away the rubble and rebuild every luxury hotel, every port, and every destroyed building. However, once reconstruction is complete, the laws of the capitalist market and their meager wages will once again prevent them from having access to these vacation facilities and decent housing.
The only valid historical response of the working class to the speculative barbarism of disaster is to break with the electoral farce, break with the regime’s treacherous union leaderships, and organize strikes for higher wages, higher pensions, and a reduction in the workday, strikes that are increasingly widespread, coordinated, and united, culminating in an indefinite general strike to achieve these objectives, until their revolutionary conclusion with the working class seizing political power—organized into genuine class-based unions and led by the international Communist Party—in order to destroy the system of exploitation of wage labor, which turns the death of the proletariat into the lifeblood of Capital.
Clearly, all the massive, spontaneous demonstrations of solidarity—which eluded the control of both the government and its opponents—demonstrate the powerful potential that exists within society for the reemergence of the class struggle.